Had an interesting discussion at work yesterday about China's role in Africa and other underdeveloped regions. It was prompted by an article in The Economist on Chinese investment in Africa. It discusses the new Chinese presence in Africa in typical Economist terms:
China already buys a tenth of sub-Saharan Africa's exports and owns almost $1.2 billion of direct investments in the region.... A Chinese diaspora in Africa now numbers perhaps 80,000, including labourers and businessmen, who bring entrepreneurial wit and wisdom to places usually visited only by Land Cruisers from international aid agencies.I mean wow! How big is the European 'diaspora' in Africa by comparison? Who bought the Landcruisers? "In the cold war Maoists dotted Africa with hospitals, football stadiums and disastrous ideas." And, if I remember correctly, infrastructure projects (the TanZam railway). Now China only wants access to raw materials. The West, of course, never tried any such thing. 'We' never undermined African efforts with our protectionism and our support for apartheid, Ian Smith, Mobutu, the Nigerian junta or Tubman "our aircraft carrier in Africa".
Sadly, China's success is an obstacle, as well as an inspiration. Its rise has bid up the price of Africa's traditional raw commodities, and depressed the price of manufactured goods. Thus Africa's factories and assembly lines, such as they are, are losing out to its mines, quarries and oilfields in the competition for investment....Competition from whom? Here we get to the nub of the question, which is: how dare those Chinese upstarts encroach upon our territory? How dare they not lower their trade barriers while demanding that we lower ours? The hypocrisy astounds me.
China is doing its bit to improve infrastructure, building roads and railways. But it could do more to open up its own markets. China is quite open to yarn, but not jerseys; diamonds, but not jewellery. If it has as much “solidarity” with Africa as it claims, it could offer to lower tariffs on processed goods...
Discussion of the Economist article segued into a discussion of Burma, one of our pet topics. China (also India and Thailand) are playing an increasing role in that country, to the detriment of Western efforts to boycott the regime. Asia Times has this to say:
Foreign investment into Myanmar surged to a record high US$6 billion in the fiscal 2005-06 year that ended in March, up from the paltry $158.3 million recorded the previous year...That's five times the amount of Chinese investment in the whole of Africa!
Myanmar has significantly managed to bypass the Western-controlled multilateral lending agencies, including the World Bank, which has in the main observed the US and EU sanctions, and accessed capital investment directly from private-sector Asian sources. While various US and European companies closed down their Myanmar-based investments because of the sanctions, Chinese and Indian - mainly energy - companies have rapidly filled the gap.All this raises interesting questions. Burma has become the new locus of competition between local powerhouses - China, India and Thailand. The West seems to have an outdated notion of its own importance, but its sanctions no longer work - if they ever did. What is the right way to go in a situation like this? From the realpolitik point of view, the only possibilty is to compete. In this argument, Aung San Suu Kyi might ask us to boycott, but she has no power and the boycott has no effect. An alternative scenario is that we invest in Burma with as much vigour as China and India do. Not in extractive industries, but in manufacturing and services that require education - it would encourage them to reopen schools and universities. I don't believe in the mantra that markets create democracy, but if you look at Korea, Taiwan and Brazil, economic development does bring about changes. The mechanism here is not markets => democracy. On the contrary, the mechanism is more likely to be economic development leads to shortages of educated labour and this gives the educated part of the population the power to demand a share of political power.
Western sanctions' failure to achieve economic collapse and political change in Myanmar significantly underscores both the United States' and Europe's waning and China's and India's growing economic influence in the region. As Asia's economies become more integrated, particularly through greater Chinese- and Indian-inspired trade and investment links, Western-led economic threats clearly no longer strike fear into the region's roguish regimes.
Myanmar's ruling junta last year abruptly moved the national capital from the coastal city of Yangon to the inland, mountainous redoubt of Naypyidaw. Ironically, perhaps, the junta is now pumping profits earned from China and India into building up a new military-industrial complex, where the ruling generals are living comfortably and hunkering down against a possible US military rather than economic threat.
The Burmese generals are bent on enriching themselves, but in the long-run they cannot succeed without the co-operation of the people. To date their opposition has mainly come from the university-educated class - so they closed the universities. But I think their ability to control the mass of the population stems from the fact that there is no shortage of unskilled labour. From the point of view of the regime, it's easy to replace people you have killed or locked up. Once you start to depend economically on an educated class of people, you can't just get rid of them and you have to make compromises with their demands for more democracy. I think that greater economic security is the fundamental reason that democracy has made progress in South Korea and Taiwan (not to mention earlier in the West itself). You can stave off the inevitable by importing skilled workers, creating a more competitive labour market and making life for the indigenous workers more insecure (as in Singapore, for example). So there's no necessary and inevitable causation between increasing wealth and democratization, but it does seem to help. It will be interesting to see how long the Burmese generals will want to see the top jobs going to immigrant Chinese and Indians rather than provide the necessary middle class education and jobs to their own people.
There are, however, other ways to view the road to democracy in Burma. After all, there are serious moral considerations in dealing with a regime like that and a boycott seems the right thing to do. As noted above, moreover, there is more to democratization than just growing wealth and an expanding middle class. A more appropriate comparison might be, not Taiwan or South Korea, but Saudi Arabia - a regime that managed for half a century or more to grow extremely wealthy without generating any resemblance of trickle down to the masses (Indonesia under Suharto presents a similar, if less stark, case). Most of the Burmese generals' wealth today does seem to come from resources (oil and gas) rather than the labour-intensive manufacturing that stimulated growth in East Asia. In such a case, the only possible route to democracy is overthrow of the regime. Period.
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